Letters of Support for Julian Assange in Belmarsh Prison London 2023

1. Pre-Legislative Scrutiny (Committee Stage) - Completed

Note: The Heads of Bill was published in March 2025

Pre-legislative scrutiny was carried out by the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Defence and Security. They invited submissions. PANA and many others made written submissions. PANA was invited to, and did, address the committee. Link.

The Committee reported at the end of summer last year.

2. Dáil Stages (First House)

As a government-sponsored Bill, it is presented to the Dáil by the Tánaiste/Minister for Defence.

First Stage (Initiation): The bill is published and circulated to TDs.

Mary Butler (Chief Whip) and Helen McEntee (Minister for Defence) have promised that it will be published before Easter (5 April 2026)

Second Stage (General Debate): The principles of the Bill are debated in the Dáil.

TDs discuss the policy of removing the UN mandate requirement.

Third Stage (Committee Stage): The Bill is examined section-by-section in a Select Committee, where detailed amendments are proposed, debated, and voted on.

Fourth Stage (Report Stage): The amended bill is reviewed in the full Dáil, with further amendments restricted to those arising from Committee Stage.

Fifth Stage (Final Stage): A final vote is held to pass the Bill in the Dáil.

3. Seanad Stages (Second House)

Once passed by the Dáil, the bill moves to the Seanad (Senate) to undergo similar stages (Second to Fifth).

The Seanad can debate and propose amendments to the bill.

Note: If the Seanad makes amendments, the bill must return to the Dáil for approval of those changes.

4. Enactment (Presidential Signature)

Once both houses have passed the final text, the Bill is sent to the President of Ireland for signature.

Constitutional Check: The President has the power to refer the bill to the Supreme Court if they believe it is unconstitutional.

Signing: Once signed, the bill becomes an Act and is added to the Statute Book.

5. Commencement

The legislation comes into force either immediately or on a date set by a Ministerial Order

(Statutory Instrument).

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updated 18 February 2026

What is the legislative process to pass the changes to the Triple Lock?

Since the publication of his collected letters in Writing the Wrongs of Human Rights in August 2023, Edward Horgan has had over 100 more letters published in various media outlets.

A file containing the letters up to 22 January 2026 is available to download below.

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100 Letters by Edward Horgan

WRITING THE WRONGS OF HUMAN RIGHTS

In Letters, Words, Sentences

Author Edward Horgan

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This book is a compilation of published letters and articles and is dedicated to children killed in wars. The topics include environmental destruction, Irish neutrality, war and peace, torture, genocide, terrorism, accountability, UN reform, refugees and migration, politics, and the rule of law. Human rights are its main focus and have been the focus of much of the author’s life’s work. The right to life, or the right not to be killed, is the most important of all human rights. Dr Edward Horgan is a retired Commandant with twenty-two years’ service in the Irish Defence Forces. He combines extensive research with decades of practical experience in matters of war, peace, and human rights. In addition to his service as a United Nations peacekeeper in the Middle East, he has worked with international organisations on election mission in countries that experienced conflicts, in Eastern Europe, the Middle East, Africa and Asia. Edward is an active member of several Irish and international peace NGO’s.

Due to the threat and use of weapons of mass destruction, war has now become so dangerous that war is no longer acceptable or justifiably. Failure to prevent wars could cause destruction of all living creatures on Planet Earth.

Letters to the papers help to give a voice to ordinary people in these extraordinarily dangerous times. Words must be backed up by positive actions to promote international peace and global justice. Actions speak louder than words.

Paperback can be purchased at www.amazon.ie

Price €13.20

Also at www.amazon.com

Link

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WRITING THE WRONGS OF HUMAN RIGHTS

Irish Daily Mail 05/01/2026

Abduction of Maduro and his wife shows US has no respect for the rule of law

Dear Sir,

International peace was shattered on 3rd January when the US invaded and bombed Venezuela and kidnapped its President Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores. The Venezuela Attorney General Tarek Saab reported that "innocent victims have been mortally wounded and others killed." US naval forces have unlawfully killed at least 115 boat people off the coast of Venezuela. US President Trump announced the US is going to “run Venezuela until such time as we can do a safe, proper and judicious transition". All this is in clear breach of the UN Charter. Statements by Irish and EU leaders paid lip-service to the rule of international laws, while questioning the legitimacy of the Venezuelan government. Kaja Kallas, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs called for ‘restraint’ and stated that: “The EU has repeatedly stated that Mr Maduro lacks legitimacy and has defended a peaceful transition”. What right has the EU to challenge the legitimacy of a Latin American state, or to call for a change of its government? Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs Helen McEntee TD on 3rd January echoed the dictates of the EU rather than adopt an independent view, as behoves a genuine neutral state. “While we have been clear that President Maduro does not have any legitimacy we have consistently called for a peaceful and negotiated transition in Venezuela …”. What right does the Irish Government have to make such irresponsible judgements and statements? As the de facto government and as a UN member state, Venezuela does have legitimacy under international law.

What is happening is that the genuine rule of international laws has been replaced by so-called ‘rules based international order’, enforced by ‘coalitions of the willing’, both terms frequently used by our Irish leaders. The peoples of Cuba and Iran may be the next targets, and the extermination of the people of Gaza is already happening.

Edward Horgan, Castletroy, Limerick.

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Irish Independent 08/01/2026

Government really needs to choose between EU and desires of the Irish people

What does a national declaration on the subject of Irish neutrality mean? To the many people who changed their vote in the Nice referendum because of promises given in the Seville Declaration, it meant that Ireland would not become involved in any military alliance.

Indeed, one sentence seemed to say just that: “Ireland confirms that its participation in the European Union’s common foreign and defence policy does not prejudice its traditional policy of military neutrality.”

The EU’s white paper on defence, Readiness 2030, repeats the Seville Declaration, but adds to it a phrase that has serious implications for Irish neutrality: “...and taking into consideration the security and defence interests of all Member States.”

Sadly, it seems our Government prefers to be seen in a good light by the EU Commission, rather than by the Irish people who, over decades of opinion polls, have consistently expressed their preference for Ireland to be neutral.

Elizabeth Cullen, Naas, Co Kildare

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Sunday Independent 11/01/2026

US military aircraft flying through Irish airspace

Dear Madam,

The seizure or hijacking of a Russian flagged oil tanker in the Atlantic on the orders of US President Trump involved the use of Irish sovereign air space. A US Navy Poseidon P-8 special anti-submarine aircraft took off from RAF Mildenhall on 6 January and flew over Wexford, Limerick city and Shannon airport on its way to participate in the seizure of oil tanker Marinera. It returned to RAF Mildenhall on 7 January passing to the South of Ireland. This aircraft is a powerful weapon of war, and can be armed with torpedoes, anti-ship missiles, and naval mines. Speaking on RTE news, foreign affairs minister Helen McEntee TD said that she has been in touch with the US embassy and that they are very clear that they have complied with the long-standing aviation agreement on US military overflights of Ireland. Given that the US has been acting in serious breach of the UN Charter it is at best naive of the Minister to accept such assurances from a US Government that had caused the deaths of over 100 people in or near Venezuela in recent times. Tánaiste Simon Harris said he was not aware whether permission was sought by the United States for its military to fly over Ireland. Why did he not properly inform himself concerning this breach of Irish neutrality. Speaking in Shanghai, the Taoiseach said "common sense needs to prevail" on the issue of the US taking over Greenland. Our national leaders stated that the government led by Maduro had no legitimacy, yet failed to criticise the unlawful killing of dozens of people. The Irish Open golf tournament is due to be held this September at the Trump golf course in Co Clare. If US President Trump attends, will he be arrested by An Garda Siochana and investigated for war crimes and other breaches of international laws?

Edward Horgan, Castletroy, Limerick,

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Irish Independent 21/01/2026

With all eyes on US and Greenland, child killings in Gaza go unpunished.

Dear Editor,

Due to the plans by US President Trump to seize the island of Greenland, the international community has been ignoring the ongoing genocide in Gaza. At least 73,000 Palestinians have been reported killed in Gaza since 7 October 2023, but the full death count may exceed 100,000. On 30 July 2025 the Washington Post published the list of names of 18,500 children killed since October 2023. Their deaths must not be ignored. The Trump peace plan makes no effort to hold Israel to account for the genocide, or to hold the US and others to account for their participation in that genocide. Trump’s Board of Peace for Gaza will be chaired by Trump himself. There will be several subsidiary bodies whose membership will include former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, US Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff, and Jared Kushner, the US president's son-in-law. With a lineup like this, what could possibly go right? There are no genuine plans for democracy, independence, accountability or justice for the Palestinian people.

We need to understand the stories of some of the children killed to appreciate the suffering and trauma. The film, The Voice of Hind Rajab, tells the horrific story of five-year-old Hind Rami Iyad Rajab, killed by the Israeli tank fire on 29 January 2024. Six of her family members and two paramedics coming to her rescue were also killed.

More than 100 children are reported to have died in Gaza since the Oct 2025 ceasefire. They include two-week old baby Mohammad Abu al-Khair who died on December 15, 2025. He was the eighth to die of hypothermia in Gaza this winter, including a 27-day-old baby named Aisha Ayesh al-Agha, who died17 January.

All these crimes against humanity must not be ignored.

Edward Horgan, Castletroy, Limerick.

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Irish Examiner 21 /01/2026

Efforts to hold leaders to account welcomed.

Dear Sir,

On 16 December the Council of Europe announced the establishment of an International Claims Commission for reparations for Ukraine to hold Russia accountable for war damage. All wars of aggression are outlawed by the UN Charter and by international and humanitarian laws. All efforts to hold countries and their leaders to account for wars of aggression and crimes against humanity must be welcomed and are long overdue. History demonstrates that accountability and reparations are only imposed on some of the defeated countries and never on the victors. Powerful states, especially UN Security Council permanent members can use their veto to avoid accountability for themselves and their allies, even when they are on the losing side. Some examples include the French and US Indochina wars, Soviet Afghan wars in the 1980s, US Afghan war 2001 to 2021. Israel has been granted immunity and impunity for its war crimes amounting to genocide in Palestine.

The Irish Government has already signed up to this reparations commission despite being complicit in US led unjustified wars by allowing the US military to use Shannon airport. This complicity makes Ireland liable for a proportion of reparations payable due to these wars. Our government has also supported the proposal to use Russian national financial reserves held in Belgian banks as reparations for Ukraine, regardless of the damage that this will do to the existing global financial system and to Ireland’s reputation.

The peoples of Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Yemen, and others especially Palestine, deserve reparations, accountability and justice. In this age of nuclear weapons and environmental destruction such wars are suicidal madness. Venezuela may be next. Children are dying daily in Gaza from hypothermia, starvation, diseases and continuing Israeli bombing. ‘Don’t they know it’s Christmas, over there?.’

Edward Horgan, Castletroy, Limerick.

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Irish News 17/02/2026

Ireland is considering boarding Russian oil tankers?

Dear Editor,

In an interview with Niall O'Connor of The Journal on 15 February, Minister for Foreign Affairs and for Defence Helen McEntee TD stated that: “Ireland is considering boarding and inspecting Russian oil smuggling ships, known as the Shadow Fleet, as they pass through the seas off Ireland. The allegation that Russia as a sovereign state is smuggling its own oil, or any other oil, has little if any basis in international law. The precedent set by the US in seizing oil tankers off the coast of Venezuela and in the Atlantic was not justified under international law. It arguably amounted to a crime of hijacking or theft on the high seas. The US unilateral military actions off the coast of Venezuela also included U.S. military strikes on alleged drug smuggling boats that have unlawfully killed 131 people since September 2025 and at least 83 people were killed when the US attacked Venezuela on 3 January 2026. The UN has not imposed any sanctions, or authorised the use of any aggressive military force, against either Venezuela or Russia. If Ireland takes any military against Russian owned or operated oil tankers it may be doing so in breach of the UN Charter. Since the Minister has now forewarned Russia of the possibility of Irish military actions or attacks against Russian owned or operated ships Russia may take the precaution of having armed Russian security personnel on board such ships. Why is Ireland, a small neutral country, with total defence forces of less than 8,000, publicly threatening to take military action against one of the most powerful nuclear armed countries in the world? Coalitions of the willing, that Ireland have joined, break rather than make international law, and have caused millions of deaths.

Edward Horgan, Castletroy, Limerick

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Letters from Peace Activists 2026

Bertie Ahern wants to keep the Triple Lock Micheál Martin wants to abolish

Media/Political Statement, Monday 3 November 2025

Did Taoiseach Micheál Martin consult his Fianna Fáil colleagues when he adopted Fine Gael’s policy of abolishing the Triple Lock – which he once described as “the core of Irish neutrality”? Did he consider the views of Fianna Fáil members and supporters when he decided to abandon a central value of the party’s founder, Éamon de Valera: a meaningful neutrality policy – something fundamental to Fianna Fáil’s most progressive traditions?

Was Jim Gavin nominated for the presidency to give Micheál Martin cover for his Triple Lock volte-face – an ex-Army man who hastened to proclaim his support for ending the Triple Lock the moment he announced his candidature?

It is good to learn that former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern wants to keep the Triple Lock that Micheál Martin wants to abolish. Sometime last year I sent Mr Ahern material defending the Triple Lock, and to my surprise he came to my door in Drumcondra coming up to last year’s General Election – something he had never done before – to thank me for what I had sent him and to say that he did not agree with the Government’s policy of seeking the Triple Lock’s abolition.

It was the Bertie Ahern Government in 2002 which inserted the commitment to keep the Triple Lock – without time limit – in the “National Declaration” on neutrality that it issued in the second Nice Treaty referendum to persuade those who had voted No in Nice One out of concern for neutrality to change their vote and permit that Treaty’s ratification in Nice Two.

That National Declaration by Ireland was responded to by the other EU Member States in the 2002 Seville Declaration, and those two Declarations were formally registered at the UN along with the Nice Treaty when that was registered there. All parties in the Oireachtas parties supported it at the time.

No Irish Government before or since has issued a comparable National Declaration on any other matter. This gives a quasi-constitutional status to the Triple Lock commitment, which the Supreme Court will surely uphold if an abolition Bill should come before it.

Ireland’s statutory Referendum Commission mentioned this Triple Lock commitment in the booklet that it sent to voters in the Nice Two referendum to inform them what that referendum was about. Seven years later, when it came to the Lisbon Two referendum, Brian Cowen’s Fianna Fail Government did the same, and drew attention again to the Triple Lock as a guarantee that Irish neutrality would not be affected by the 2009 Lisbon Treaty.

Abolishing the Triple Lock now would retroactively be to turn the Bertie Ahern Government of 2002 and the Brian Cowen Government of 2009 into liars and deceivers of the Irish people.

Without the Triple Lock Ireland would have been able to take part fully in the wars in Ukraine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria and Libya – none of which had the legal sanction of a UN mandate.

The 2009 Lisbon Treaty gave the new European Union that it established a Federal Constitution and legal personality for the first time, and made us all real citizens of the post-Lisbon EU, so that we all now have two citizenships, just as in the Federal USA or Germany.

If the EU is attacked, everyone now has a legal civic duty to defend it. Abolishing the Triple Lock would remove an obstacle to introducing conscription in Ireland, as is now being planned in Germany and other EU States.

Abolishing the Triple Lock now would mean that in a future national reunification referendum, if the Government of the day were to make commitments to Northern Unionists to meet their concerns, what credence could they put on those if a previous Irish Government – namely the current one – had repudiated the solemn National Declaration on neutrality and the Triple Lock made in the 2002 and 2009 referendums?

If Heather Humphreys or Jim Gavin had been elected President on Saturday week last, the Government would have taken that as a popular mandate to abolish the Triple Lock. Catherine Connolly’s victory on a platform that emphasised neutrality, maintaining the Triple Lock and upholding the State’s Art. 29.1 constitutional imperative to support “the pacific settlement of international disputes”shows that the current Government has no popular mandate for its abolition policy.

It should now abandon that proposal.

Anthony Coughlan

Spokesman,

The National Platform EU Research and Information Centre

24 Crawford Avenue

Dublin 9

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Anthony Coughlan: Bertie Ahern wants to keep the Triple Lock Micheál Martin wants to abolish

At the Potsdam Conference of the Allies, President Truman noted in his diary that there had been a "telegram from Jap emperor asking for peace".

Despite Japanese efforts to negotiate peace, the Japanese were ordered to surrender unconditionally. When Japan held out, an atomic bomb was dropped on the Japanese city of Hiroshima on 6th August 1945, killing 70,000 people instantly. Three days later, another atomic bomb was dropped on Nagasaki, killing 40,000 instantly.

What was it like to experience the bombings first-hand? What are the lessons for today?

Kazuo Maruta is a 93-year-old hibakusha, i.e., atomic bomb survivor. In his interview (which had to be pre-recorded due to the time difference), he explains how his world changed in a single day, when he narrowly avoided being wiped out himself. It was not until school lessons eventually resumed that he learned a third of his classmates were now dead.

Prof Geoffrey Roberts is Professor Emeritus of History at University College, Cork. An expert on Russian and World War II history, his publications include Stalin's Wars: from World War to Cold War and Stalin's General: The Life of Georgy Zhukov, which won the Society for Military History's Distinguished Book Award. He is a regular commentator on geopolitics.

Kathy Kelly is President of World Beyond War, which is a leading peace organisation with chapters across the world, and which was involved in organising the 2018 Dublin Conference on US/NATO military bases. Kathy has taken her peace activism to warzones, and in 2003 stood by the Iraqi people, refusing to leave Baghdad even when the bombing started. She has been nominated for the Nobel Prize for Peace and has been sent to federal prison in the US for her activism.

Join us for the event by registering at the above link for free!

HIROSHIMA/NAGASAKI BOMBINGS 80 YEARS ON

Save the Triple Lock: PANA Submission to the Defence and Security Committee

The Peace and Neutrality Alliance strongly opposes the planned legislation to repeal the Triple Lock.

Successive governments in 2002 and 2009 made commitments to retain the Triple Lock in order to secure passage of the Nice and Lisbon referendums.

Given the way in which the declarations were made, and in light of the recent Heneghan Supreme Court case, proceeding by ordinary legislation without a further referendum is likely to be unconstitutional.

Without the Triple Lock, there is no limit to the number or types of missions Irish troops could be sent on, particularly worrying given the state of the world and the risk of becoming embroiled in war with nuclear-armed Russia.

It is absurd to think that the government / Dáil self-certifying compliance with international law would be an adequate alternative to the Triple Lock. The depiction of the UN Security Council as permanently deadlocked is simply inaccurate. From 2020 – 2024, 264 out of 284 resolutions voted on at the Council were passed with no power exercising a veto.

As long as we remain a UN member state, we are obliged under Article 25 of the UN Charter to accept and implement decisions of the Security Council. This can only be ended if we leave the United Nations, which no-one calling for removal of the Triple Lock is advocating.

Proposals to reconfigure internal discipline in the Defence Forces could create a chill effect for potential war crimes whistleblowers.

These arguments are set out in further detail in the full submission which can be downloaded above.

PANA Submission to the Defence and Security Committee

New EU Military Force a Dangerous Milestone

26th May 2025

On Tuesday 20th May, the European Union announced that the bloc's Rapid Deployment Capacity is now operational. This consists of a 5,000-soldier military force capable of being sent to any country in the world, whether such countries want it or not. The Peace and Neutrality Alliance (PANA) wishes to place on record our categorical opposition to this development. In the context of calls for the EU to prepare for "high-intensity warfare" (Commission White Paper, 19th March 2025, p 8), this is a worrying milestone in process of re-armament that risks direct military confrontation with Russia.

The EU uses vague language of "stabilisation" and "humanitarian assistance" to describe the sorts of operations the new force will be concerned with. According to PANA Chairman Stephen Kelly "the real interests that will be served are the interests of Western neo-imperialism and the military-industrial complex". The ruthlessness with such interests will be pursued can be seen from, to name just a few examples:

Providing EU cash to Israel through "Horizon Europe" including support to the Israeli military.
The EU's sponsorship of Libyan militias implicated in the torture and murder of detainees.
The financial support the EU gives to the Rwandan government of Paul Kagame, who was "re-elected" in 2024 with over 99% of the vote and who is accused of fomenting the catastrophic civil war in neighbouring Congo (Kinshasa).
Repeated assistance packages to Mauritania, which still practices slavery.

The European defence industry is unaccountable and mired in corruption. The EU's defence policy is discredited by its close ties to industry lobbyists. Speaking recently, EU lawmaker Aura Salla, when commenting on the importance of increased military spending, noted how beneficial it was for her own investments in arms company Rheinmetall. Airbus, one of the leading defence companies, has a budget of well of €1 million a year for lobbying EU officials. The unhealthy ties between European institutions and the defence industry were illustrated when former head of the European Defence Agency Jorge Domecq took up a role with Airbus shortly after leaving the Agency and in breach of the Agency's own rules.

The militarisation of Europe is in the interests of warmongers and war profiteers, not the people of Europe. PANA calls for a renewed focus on dialogue and diplomacy, not developing ever more ingenious ways to kill people.

ENDS

For follow-up comment, please e-mail info@pana.ie or contact PANA Public Relations Officer Elizabeth Jennings at + 353 (0) 85 723 2753.

For comment in Irish, please contact PANA Irish spokesperson and Secretary Padraig Mannion at + 353 (0) 87 691 1293.

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New EU Military Force a Dangerous Milestone

4th March 2025

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An Taoiseach, Mr. Micheál Martin TD

Department of the Taoiseach

Government Building

Merrion Street

Dublin 2

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A Thaoisigh,

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On behalf of the undersigned academics and university workers we write in response to the recent draft legislation to amend the State’s “triple lock” on the deployment of Defence Forces peacekeepers overseas.

For many years, Ireland has been a courageous voice on the international stage proudly championing peace initiatives even when doing so meant challenging the interests of the world’s most powerful nations. At the height of the Cold War, Minister Frank Aiken led efforts at the United Nations (UN) towards the creation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Similarly, Ireland advanced processes on the prohibition of nuclear weapons, cluster munitions, and anti-personnel landmines. Moreover, Ireland is the only nation with a continuous presence in the UN and UN mandated peace-support operations since 1958. Since the foundation of the state, Ireland has upheld its constitutional commitment to resolving international disputes peacefully, adopting a policy of neutrality that has kept Ireland out of foreign wars. Though this made Ireland an outlier among many of its European peers, it demonstrated a clear and unwavering commitment to peace. Ireland’s neutrality has served it well, earning it credibility and legitimacy on the global sphere as a peace-maker, a reputation that the people of Ireland are rightly immensely proud of.

We write today because we are alarmed at the cabinet’s decision to approve the scrapping of Ireland’s Triple Lock. The Triple Lock is a central component of Ireland’s neutral position because it essentially stands as a bulwark against deploying Irish troops unless there is a UN mandate to do so. In other words, the Triple Lock guarantees that troop deployment may only take place under the auspices of the UN system, as a guarantor of international peace and security. Removing the Triple Lock may sound the death knell on Irish neutrality.

In your capacity as opposition leader, you described the Triple Lock as being ‘at the core of our neutrality’. You now claim otherwise and your Government regularly informs the public not to conflate neutrality with the Triple Lock. Similarly, you acknowledged that although ‘the United Nations is not working as it should ... we must not abandon it as an essential part of the international system’. While the geopolitical and international context has changed over the past few years, there is no obvious justification to now abandon this ‘essential part of the international system’. It is easy to be neutral in times of peace. The real test, and where it matters most, is being neutral in times of war and heightened conflict. By undoing the Triple Lock, Ireland will significantly weaken its commitment to the UN system, UN peace-keeping and multilateralism. This would come at a time when the UN faces unprecedented challenges, particularly in the context of Israel’s genocidal war on Palestine.

The Government’s main argument for removing the Triple Lock rests on the claim that the UN Security Council holds a veto over the deployment of Irish troops overseas. This is misleading and incorrect. Yes, the United Nations Charter, a foundational document of international law, grants veto powers to the Permanent Five (P5) members. However, the government’s framing of these powers would suggest that P5 members specifically set out to stop Ireland from deploying troops. This is not the case. P5 vetoes are driven by geopolitical tensions, and a veto in respect of a peacekeeping mission would almost certainly stem from such tensions and the security concerns arising from the deployment of a proposed peacekeeping mission. In other words, if a peacekeeping mission was vetoed by a permanent member, and it was to attempt to deploy anyway, there is little likelihood that it would actually be able to keep the peace.

Moreover, although the UN Charter gives primary responsibility for international peace and security to the Security Council, General Assembly resolution 377 (V) also known as the ‘Uniting for Peace’ resolution sets out that ‘. . . if the Security Council, because of lack of unanimity of the permanent members, fails to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security in any case where there appears to be a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression, the General Assembly shall consider the matter immediately with a view to making appropriate recommendations to Members for collective measures, including in the case of a breach of the peace or act of aggression, the use of armed force when necessary, to maintain or restore international peace and security’. In this regard, the Defence Amendment Act 2006 specifically makes reference to ‘a resolution of the Security Council or the General Assembly of the United Nations.’

Given the weak arguments for removing the Triple Lock, we are left to wonder if other motivations are at play, particularly at a time when the Government is also looking to significantly ramp up military spending. If Ireland acts outside the remit of the UN Charter and deploys troops on EU or NATO missions, it may quickly find itself in direct conflict with the world’s most powerful armies, some of which have nuclear warheads at their disposal. For us, it seems clear that the benefits of operating within the UN system far outweigh the risks associated with operating outside it.

Ireland is a small island nation. Its contribution on the global stage has been immense, punching far above its weight to promote peace and reject war. Considering that a recent opinion poll showed that 75 percent of Ireland’s population favours maintaining Ireland’s current policy of neutrality, it would appear that your Government has no mandate to revoke the Triple Lock. To the contrary, in a healthy democracy, a Government would transform such overwhelming popular support into concrete action by holding a referendum to enshrine neutrality in the Irish constitution.

At a time when the world appears to be on the brink of a global war and potential nuclear catastrophe, we urgently need global leaders to courageously face down warmongers and redouble their commitment to peace and neutrality, to genuine multilateralism, and to upholding the rule of law. Protecting the Triple Lock would send a message to the Irish people and to the global community that Ireland intends to do precisely that.

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Is sinne, le meas

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1. Prof Dónal Hassett, Maynooth University

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2. Prof Camilla Fitzsimons, Maynooth University

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3. Prof Karen Till, Maynooth University

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4. Prof Gerry Kearns, Maynooth University

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5. Prof John Barry, Queen’s University Belfast

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6. Dr. Patrick Bresnihan, Associate Professor, Maynooth University

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7. Dr. Rory Rowan, Assistant Professor, Trinity College Dublin

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8. Dr. Sharae Deckard, Associate Professor, University College Dublin

9. Dr. James Beirne, Critical Skills, Maynooth University

10. Dr Conor Crummey, Assistant Professor, Maynooth University

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11. Dr. Barry Cannon, Associate Professor, Maynooth University.

12. Dr. Harun Šiljak, Assistant Professor, Trinity College Dublin

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13. Dr. Eilish Dillon, Assistant Professor, Maynooth University

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14. Dr. Eoin Flaherty, Maynooth University

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15. Dr. Mark Walsh, Associate Professor, Mathematics and Statistics, Maynooth University

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16. Dr. Anne Mulhall, Associate Professor, University College Dublin

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17. Dr. John Reynolds, School of Law & Criminology, Maynooth University

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18. Dr. Niamh Keady-Tabbal, Maynooth University

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19. Dr Niamh Gaynor, Dublin City University

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20. Ciarán Nugent, Maynooth University

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21. Dr Peter Doran, School of Law, Queen’s University Belfast

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22. Prof. John Morrissey, University of Galway

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23. Dr. Patrick Brodie, University College Dublin

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24. Dr. Illan Wall, University of Galway

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25. Dr Paola Rivetti, Dublin City University

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26. Dr. Karen Devine, Dublin City University

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27. Dr. Brendan Ciarán Browne, Associate Professor, Trinity College Dublin

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28. Dr. Rhiannon Bandiera, School of Law and Criminology, Maynooth University

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29. Dr Heather Laird, School of English and Digital Humanities, University College Cork

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30. Criostóir King, Maynooth University

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31. Dr Niamh Wycherley, Maynooth University

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32. Dr Susan Giblin, Maynooth University

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33. Dr Theresa O'Keefe, Senior Lecturer, University College Cork

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34. Dr Paul Michael Garrett, University of Galway

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35. Niamh Rooney, Maynooth University

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36. Dr Catherine Ann Cullen, University College Dublin

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37. Prof. Maggie O’Neill, University College Cork

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38. Dr Deirdre Curran, University of Galway

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39. Kevin Hearty, Queen’s University Belfast

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40. Dr Mikael Fernstrom, University of Limerick

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41. Dr Maria Barry, Dublin City University

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42. Dr Deirdre Dunlevy, The Open University Ireland

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43. Peter Maybury, TU Dublin

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44. Dr Deirdre Kelly, TU Dublin

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45. An Dr Dorothy Ní Uigín, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

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46. Seán Breathnach, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

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47. Dr Orla Kelleher, School of Law and Criminology, Maynooth University

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48. Prof Colin Coulter, Maynooth University

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49. Dearbhla Ní Chúláin, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

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50. Dr. Ellen McCabe, Atlantic Technological University

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51. Orla Murphy, University College Dublin

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52. Dr Harry Browne, TU Dublin

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53. Dr. Fiona Murphy, Dublin City University

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54. Dr Elizabeth Kiely University College Cork

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55. Dr Rebecca Usherwood, Trinity College Dublin

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56. Eimear Ní Mhaoldomhnaigh, Coláiste na hOllscoile Corcaigh

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57. Dr Patrick Doyle, University of Limerick

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58. Prof Aoife Daly, University College Cork

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59. Brian Hand, National College of Art and Design

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60. Prof. Jane Grogan, University College Dublin

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61. Dr Rosie R Meade, University College Cork

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62. Dr V’cenza Cirefice, University of Galway

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63. Elaine Mears, Atlantic Technological University

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64. Louise Glynn, Institute of Art, Design and Technology, Dun Laoghaire

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65. Prof Cathal Seoighe, University of Galway

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66. Prof John Gray, University College London

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67. Dr Aoife Titley, Maynooth University

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68. Dr Marie Moran, UCD

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69. Dr Morten Greaves, UCD

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70. Romeo Fraccari, University College Dublin

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71. Robin Steve, University College Dublin

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72. Prof Gavan Titley, Maynooth University

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73. Dr Edel Hughes, Irish Centre for Human Rights, University of Galway

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74. Dr Mark Garavan, Atlantic Technological University

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75. Prof. Abhay Pandit, University of Galway

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76. Dr Michael. G. Cronin, Maynooth University

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77. Dr Jo Murphy-Lawless, University of Galway

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78. Alanna McLoughlin, University of Galway

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79. Dr Roisin McMackin, Trinity College Dublin

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80. Karen Young, University of Galway

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81. Dr Aoife Boyd, University of Galway

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82. An Dr Áine Nic Niallais, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

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83. Dr Danielle Hynes, Maynooth University

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84. Professor Máire Leane, UCC

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85. Dr Amin Sharifi Isaloo, UCC

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86. Geraldine Doolan, University of Galway

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87. Darragh Coakley, Munster Technological University

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88. Dr Heike Vornhagen, University of Galway

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89. Professor Lucy-Ann Buckley, University of Limerick

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90. Dr Deirdre Byrne, Atlantic Technological University

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91. Marnie Holborow, Associate Faculty Dublin City University

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92. Dr. Sarah Brazil, University of Geneva

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93. Dr Verena Commins, University of Galway

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94. Dr Alicia Castillo Villanueva, Dublin City University

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95. Brian McMahon, Dept.Of Applied Social Studies, MTU Cork

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96. Dr Fiadh Tubridy, Maynooth University

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97. Dr Cian O’Callaghan, Trinity College Dublin

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98. Alexandra McDonagh, University of Galway

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99. Mairéad Ní Scanláin, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

100. Sian Cowman, Department of Media Studies, Maynooth University

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101. Jacqueline Ní Fhiannachta, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

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102. Seán Rainford, Dublin City University

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103. Stephanie Larkin, University College Cork

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104. Cáit Fahy, University of Galway

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105. Dr Noha Atef, University of Galway

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106. Dr Juliette Davret, Maynooth University

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107. Dr Matt Prout, University College Dublin

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108. Dr. Nessa Ní Chasaide, Maynooth University

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109. Dr Máire Ní Mhórdha, Ollscoil Mhaigh Nuad

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110. Prof. Des Fitzgerald, University College Cork

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111. Dr Rita Sakr, Maynooth University

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112. Dr Alessandra Accogli, Dublin City University

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113. Dr Jamie McLoughlin, University College Dublin

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114. Dr Chris Noone, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe / University of Galway

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115. Dr Natasha Remoundou-Howley, UCD & AUG

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116. Dr. Majella Mulkeen, ATU

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117. Edel Sullivan MTU Cork School of Music

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118. Dr. Keefe Murphy, Maynooth University

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119. Dr Edward Brennan, TU Dublin.

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120. Dr. Tristan Sturm, Queens University Belfast

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121. Dr. Gillian McNaull, Ulster University

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122. Dr Sinéad Hynes, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

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123. Sara O’Rourke, Maynooth University

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124. Dr Tom Campbell, Assistant Professor, Maynooth University

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125. Dr Amy Strecker, University College Dublin

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126. Dr Eman Abboud, Trinity College Dublin

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127. Maeve McGandy, Trinity College Dublin

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128. Deirdre Winrow, University of Galway

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129. Robert Heffernan, Munster Technological University

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130. Dr. Michael Hinds, Dublin City University

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131. Prof. Laurence Cox, Maynooth University

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132. Prof. Cahal McLaughlin, Queen’s University Belfast

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133. Dr. Úna Monaghan, Queen’s University Belfast

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134. Dr Julie Bates, Trinity College Dublin

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135. Dr. Eoin Daly, University of Galway

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136. Dr Darren J. Murphy, Munster Technological University

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137. Dr Martha Shearer, University College Dublin

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138. Sinéad Mercier, University College Dublin

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139. Dr. Karen Smith, University College Dublin

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140. Dr. Brenda Gallagher, University of Galway

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141. Dr. Rachel O’Dwyer, National College of Art and Design

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142. Dr Elizabeth Meade, Maynooth University

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143. Prof. Shane Darcy, University of Galway

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144. Dr Ailish Breen, ATU

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145. Prof. Eugenia Siapera, UCD

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146. Dr Su-ming Khoo, University of Galway

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147. Dr Thomas Conway, University of Galway

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148. Dr David Hughes, University College Dublin

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149. Elaine O’Mahony, University College Cork

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150. Dr Chris Doyle, University of Galway

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151. Dr Stephen O’Neill, Trinity College Dublin

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152. Dr Maeve Connolly, Dun Laoghaire Institute of Art, Design and Technology

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153. Dr. Shivaun Quinlivan, Associate Professor, University of Galway

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154. Prof. Mary Gallagher, University College Dublin, MRIA, Chevalier dans l’ordre des palmes académiques

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155. Prof, Emeritus Phil Scraton, School of Law, Queen’s University, Belfast

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156. Prof. Ray Murphy, University of Galway

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157. An Dr Andrew Ó Baoill, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

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158. Dr. Kevin Farrell, TU Dublin

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159. Dr Caroline Jagoe, Trinity College Dublin

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160. Dr Melanie Labor, Maynooth University

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161. Dr. Peter Tansey, Assistant Professor, UCD

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162. Dr Richard Lombard-Vance, Dublin City University

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163. Dr Lydia Sapouna, University College Cork

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164. Kevin O’Callaghan, Atlantic Technological University

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165. Dr Fergal Finnegan, Maynooth University

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166. Dr Kate McCarthy, South East Technological University

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167. Órla O’Donovan, University College Cork

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168. Dr Úna Kealy, South East Technological University

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169. Dr Davy Walsh. Atlantic Technological University

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170. Dr Maria Lichrou, University of Limerick

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171. Prof. Emeritus Lionel Pilkington, University of Galway

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172. Dr Susan McDonnell, ATU Sligo

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173. Dr Gerard Farrell, Trinity College Dublin

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174. Dr Brian Kelly. Queen’s University Belfast

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175. Dr Jennifer O’Mahoney, South East Technological University

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176. Conor Lawlor, ATU Sligo

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177. Dr John Murray, Maynooth University

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178. Maggie Ronayne, University of Galway

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179. Dr. William Abbott, Trinity College Dublin

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180. Cáit Murphy, Trinity College Dublin

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181. Mnemosyne Rice, Trinity College Dublin

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182. Jonathan Cosgrove, Trinity College Dublin

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183. Maria Dimitropoulou, Trinity College Dublin

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184. James Cumiskey. Trinity College Dublin.

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185. Soraya Afzali. Trinity College Dublin

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186. Begoña Sangrador-Vegas, University of Galway

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187. Dr Kathleen Stokes, Dublin City University

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188. Prof. Roger Little, Trinity College Dublin

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189. Kevin Organ, Trinity College Dublin

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190. Dr Maeve O’Rourke, University of Galway

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191. Dennis McNulty, Trinity College Dublin.

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192. Dr. Siobhán Airey, Erasmus University Rotterdam

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193. Dr. Elizabeth Nixon, Trinity College Dublin.

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194. Dr. Donna Rodgers-Lee, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies

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195. Dr. Kevin Brennan, Technical University of Denmark

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196. Dr Mary McAuliffe, University College Dublin

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197. Prof Evan Keane, Trinity College Dublin

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198. Samantha Williams, Trinity College Dublin

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199. Dr. Féilim Ó hAdhmaill, University College, Cork.

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200. Dr Alfredo Ormazabal, Trinity College Dublin

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201. Dr. Fionnuala Conway, Trinity College Dublin

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202. Luke Hussey, Trinity College Dublin

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203. Dr Michael Pierse, Queen's University Belfast

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204. Dr Síobhra Aiken, Queen’s University Belfast

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205. Dr Alastair Daly, Trinity College Dublin

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206. Dr. Pádraig Fhia Ó Mathúna, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

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207. Dr. Ann-Marie Morrissey, University of Limerick

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208. Anne Kelly, National College of Art and Design

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209. Dr Billy O’Brien, MTU Cork School of Music

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210. Dr Ricki O’Rawe, Queen’s University Belfast

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211. Gabriel Coleman, Trinity College Dublin

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212. Dr. Alan D.P. Brady, Trinity College Dublin

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213. Ailbhe Smyth, University College Dublin

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214. Charles Zemp, Trinity College Dublin

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215. Dr. Jeremy Auerbach, University College Dublin

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216. Prof. John Maguire, Emeritus, University College, Cork.

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217. Dr Sarah Comyn, University College Dublin

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218. Mairéad O’Donnell, Trinity College Dublin

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219. Elizabeth O’Shaughnessy, Trinity College Dublin

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220. Dr Scott McKendry, Queen’s University Belfast

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221. Sinéad Kelly, Trinity College Dublin

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222. Dr Susie Deedigan, Queen’s University Belfast

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223. Dr Mary Rambaran-Olm, Public Historian, Public Humanities Editor

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224. Dr Michelle Rouse, Ulster University

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225. Prof Helena Sheehan, Dublin City University

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226. Christopher McAteer, Social and Political Thought, York University, Canada

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227. Coralie Mureau, University of Galway

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228. Isabel Milano, Trinity College Dublin

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229. Dr Sharon Lambert, University College Cork

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230. Dr. Laurence Davis, University College Cork

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231. Prof Pat Brereton. Dublin City University

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232. Maryam Yabo, Trinity College Dublin

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233. Dr Conor Caldwell, Ollscoil Luimnigh

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234. Dr. Eamonn Slater, Maynooth University

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235. Paul Goldrick-Kelly, Maynooth University

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236. Shane Reynolds, University of Limerick

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237. Caroline Godard, Ollscoil Luimnigh / University of Limerick

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238. Zoë Lawlor, University of Limerick

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239. Dr Emer McHugh, Queen’s University Belfast

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240. Prof Mary Gilmartin, Maynooth University

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241. Dr Elizabeth Farries, University College Dublin

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242. Dr Martin Sokol, Associate Professor, Trinity College Dublin

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243. Dr Kate Antosik-Parsons, Trinity College Dublin

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244. Professor Fintan Sheerin, Maynooth University

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245. Dr. Sarah Robinson, University College Cork

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246. Dr. Samuel Mutter, Maynooth University

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247. Dr Niamh McCrea, SETU

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248. Prof. David Lloyd, University of California, Riverside

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249. Dr Mike Murphy, University College Cork

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250. Dr Emanuela Ferrari, Maynooth University

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251. Siobhan Kangataran, Munster Technological University

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252. Kathryn Ammon, Trinity College Dublin

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253. Adrienne Horan, University of Limerick

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254. Bernie Grummell, Maynooth University

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255. Dianne Kirby, Ulster University

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256. Prof. Seán Kennedy, Saint Mary’s University, Halifax/Kjipuktuk

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257 Michael Mahadeo, Ulster University

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258. Dominic Guilding, Trinity College Dublin Libraries

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259. Dr Claire Bracken, Union College, New York

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260. Míde Power, Trinity College Dublin

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261. Dr Emma Campbell, Ulster University

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262. Dr Clare Gallagher, Ulster University

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263. Jeffrey Seathrún Sardina, Coláiste na Tríonóide

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264. Dr Kevin De Ornellas, Ulster University

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265. Dr Deirdre Foley, Trinity College Dublin

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266. Dr Liam McGlynn, TU Dublin

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267. Dr. Edward Molloy, Saint Mary's University, Halifax/Kjipuktuk

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268. Dr Gertrude Cotter, UCC

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269. Prof. Patricia Lundy, Ulster University

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270. Dr Oona Frawley, Maynooth University

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271. Enda Russell, Trinity College Dublin

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272. Dr Ross Carroll, Dublin City University

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273. Dr Alexandros Minotakis, University College Dublin

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274. Prof. Patrick Crowley, University of Galway

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275. Dr Maria Parsons, IADT

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276. Dr Celeste McNamara, Dublin City University

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277. Srimoyee Biswas, Trinity College Dublin

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278. Nora NiFhlatharta, Technical University of the Shannon

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279. Marion Kiely, University College Cork

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280. Dr Marcas Mac Coinnigh, Queen’s University Belfast

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281. Dr Beatrice Smyth, Queen's University Belfast

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282. Morgiane Noel, Trinity College Dublin

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283. Professor Luigina Ciolfi, University College Cork

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284. Kevin McParland, Dundalk Institute of Technology

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285. Professor Maeve McCusker, Queen’s University Belfast

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286. Professor Michael Cronin, Trinity College Dublin

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287. Dr. Beyza Yaman, Trinity College Dublin

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288. Mairéad Cluskey, Atlantic Technological University

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289. Dr Will Fleming, Trinity College Dublin

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290. Professor Jennie Stephens, Maynooth University

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291. Ciarán Hartley, Dublin City University

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292. Dr Charlie Kerrigan, Trinity College Dublin

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293. Sarah Dunne, Trinity College Dublin

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294. Dr Max Bledstein, University College Dublin

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295. Dr Adam Kelly, University College Dublin

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296. Dr Cathal Billings, University College Dublin

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297. Dr. Katherine Fama, University College Dublin

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298. Dr. Giulia M. Cipriani, University College Dublin

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299. Dr Mary Naughton, University College Dublin

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300. Dr. Seán Clancy, University College Dublin

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301 Dr Kelly Fitzgerald. University College Dublin

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302. Dr Sarah Donnelly,University College Dublin

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303. Cristin O’Gorman, University College Dublin

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304. Dr Declan Fahie, University College Dublin

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305. Dr. Niamh Pattwell, University College Dublin

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306. Oksana Osiniene, University College Dublin

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307. Dr Adrian Howlett, Trinity College Dublin

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308. Dr. Lori-Rae van Laren, University of Galway

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309. Dr Avishek Nag, University College Dublin

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310. Niall James Holohan, University College Dublin

311. Dr Thomas Waller, University College Dublin

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312. Dr. Páraic Kerrigan, Assistant Professor, University College Dublin

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313. Dr Naomi McAreavey, University College Dublin

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314. Professor Kalpana Shankar, University College Dublin

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315. Andrew Breen, Trinity College Dublin

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316. Dr. Lucy Blennerhassett, University College Dublin

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317. Dr Adrian Scahill, Maynooth University

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318. Professor Ian Davidson, University College Dublin

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319. Dr Ciara Bracken-Roche, Maynooth University

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320. Niamh Whelan, University College Dublin

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321. Dr Irial Glynn, University College Dublin

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322. Dr Ríona Nic Congáil, University College Dublin

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323. Dr Dean Phelan, University College Dublin

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324. Fiona Power, University College Dublin

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325. Emeritus Professor Alan Titley UCC

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325. Dr Christie Nicoson, University College Dublin

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326. Dr Werd Al-Najim, University College Dublin

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327. Kathryn Kane, University College Dublin

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328. JoAnn McComish, University College Dublin

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329. John Cassidy, University College Dublin

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330. Dr Kevin Daly, University College Dublin

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331. Dr Paul Hudide, University College Dublin

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332. Dr Maly Morshad Ahmad, University College Dublin

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333. Dr Fangzhe Qiu, University College Dublin

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334. Dr Luca Pistilli, University College Dublin

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335. Natalia Silverio, University College Dublin

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336. Prof. Desmond J Tobin, University College Dublin

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337. Alexandra Day, Trinity College Dublin

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338. Dr Orlaith Darling, University College Dublin

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339. Patrick Ryan University College Dublin

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340. Dr John P Gilmore, University College Dublin

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341. Professor Kathleen Lynch University College Dublin

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342. Dr. Muhammad Shahid University College Dublin

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343. Dr Bartosz Bieszczad, University College Dublin / Technological University Dublin

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344. Dr Sarah Sinnamon, University College Dublin

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345. Oisin O’Connor, University College Dublin

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346. Joe Houghton, University College Dublin

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347. Dr Garrett Greene , UCD

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348. Dr. Dimuthu Rathnayake, University College Dublin

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349. Karen O’Shea University College Dublin

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350. Dr Marina Everri, University College Dublin

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351. Frances Downey, University College Dublin

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352. Professor Eleni Mangina, University College Dublin

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353. Aisling Judge, University College Dublin

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354. Jamie Plant, University College Dublin

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355. Félix Balado, University College Dublin

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356. Dr. Brynne Gilmore, University College Dublin

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357. Dr. Karen Wade, University College Dublin

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358. Professor Katherine O’Donnell, University College Dublin

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359. Dr. Matthew Donoghue, University College Dublin

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360. Mikhail Romanov, University College Dublin

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361. Dr Niamh Campbell, University College Dublin

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362. Dr Jacqui O’Riordan, University College Cork (retired)

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363. Mike FitzGibbon, University College Cork (retired)

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364. Dr Marco Bellardi, University College Dublin

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365. Dr Iarfhlaith Watson, University College Dublin

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366. Dr Mary Moran, University College Dublin

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367. Dr Róisín Ní Ghallóglaigh, University of Limerick

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368. Dr Sarah Raine, University College Dublin

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369. Dr Joanne McEntee, University College Dublin

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348. Dr. Dimuthu Rathnayake, University College Dublin

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349. Karen O’Shea University College Dublin

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350. Dr Marina Everri, University College Dublin

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351. Frances Downey, University College Dublin

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352. Professor Eleni Mangina, University College Dublin

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353. Aisling Judge, University College Dublin

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354. Jamie Plant, University College Dublin

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355. Félix Balado, University College Dublin

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356. Dr. Brynne Gilmore, University College Dublin

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357. Dr. Karen Wade, University College Dublin

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358. Professor Katherine O’Donnell, University College Dublin

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359. Dr. Matthew Donoghue, University College Dublin

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360. Mikhail Romanov, University College Dublin

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361. Dr Niamh Campbell, University College Dublin

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362. Dr Jacqui O’Riordan, University College Cork (retired)

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363. Mike FitzGibbon, University College Cork (retired)

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364. Dr Marco Bellardi, University College Dublin

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365. Dr Iarfhlaith Watson, University College Dublin

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366. Dr Mary Moran, University College Dublin

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367. Dr Róisín Ní Ghallóglaigh, University of Limerick

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368. Dr Sarah Raine, University College Dublin

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369 Dr Joanne McEntee, University College Dublin

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370. Martin Heduan, University College Dublin

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371. Dr Niamh McGuirk, Dublin City University

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372. Dr Barbara Gornicka, University College Dublin

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373. Niamh Byrne, Community Engagement Officer, University College Dublin

374. Dr. Enrico Secchi, Assistant Professor, University College Dublin

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375. Cari Burke, University College Dublin

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376. Dr Karen Keaveney, University College Dublin

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377. Dr. Catriona Clutterbuck, University College Dublin

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378. Dr. Boris Kholodenko, University College Dublin

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379. Dr Nasrin Khandoker, University College Cork

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380. Professor Mary Gallagher, University College Dublin

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381. Dr. Alexey Lastovetsky, University College Dublin

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382. David Ó Laigheanáin, University College Dublin

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383. Brian Spring, University College Dublin

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384. Ann Marie Byrne, University College Dublin

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385. Dr Thomas Cummins, University College Dublin

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386. Dr. Katharina Swirak, University College Cork

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387. Dr Ricardo Segurado, University College Dublin

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388. Dr. Ana Ivasiuc, University College Dublin

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389. Dr. Fionnuala Brennan, South East Technological University

390. Dr Seán L’Estrange, University College Dublin

391. Dr Paul Breen, University College London

392. Dr. Henry Silke, University of Limerick

393. Dr. Tom O’Dea, National College of Art and Design

394. Dr. Laure Tymowski, Maynooth University

395. Renee Prendergast, Queen’s University Belfast

396. Dr. Alessio Cozzolino, University College Dublin

397. Dr. Claire Brophy, Centre for Cultural Analytics, UCD

398. Dr. Alessia Paccagnini, University College Dublin

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399. Dr. Eimear Rosato, independent researcher

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400. Fiona Roche, Ollscoil na Gaillimhe

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401. Dylan Murphy, University College Dublin

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402. Tim Groenland, Research Fellow, University College Dublin

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403. Dr Linda Moore, Senior Lecturer in Criminology, Ulster University

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404. Dr. Aisling O’ Beirn Ulster University

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405. Dr Isabel Arce Zelada, University College Dublin

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406. Dr. Teresa Degenhardt, Queen's University Belfast

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407. Ralph Armstrong-Astley, Trinity College Dublin

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408. Dr Eileen Hogan, University College Cork

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409. Dr Gerard Cagney, University College Dublin

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Open letter from Irish Academics on Triple Lock

A three-tiered approval mechanism to authorise the deployment of troops to highly complex and volatile environments, including conflict zones, makes good sense. Yet in recent days the Irish government announced plans to bring legislation before the cabinet to undo this Triple Lock mechanism.

At the Seville European Council in June 2002 the other EU governments accepted Ireland’s National Declaration spelling out the Triple Lock as follows: “Ireland reiterates that the participation of contingents of the Irish Defence Forces in overseas operations, including those carried out under the European security and defence policy, requires (a) the authorisation of the operation by the Security Council or the General Assembly of the United Nations, (b) the agreement of the Irish Government and (c) the approval of Dáil Éireann in accordance with Irish law.”

The Irish government has strengthened ties with EU military structures and NATO in an apparent violation of Irish neutrality and in contravention of political and legal commitments made to the Irish people in the context of the Sevelle Declaration 2002, and the Nice and Lisbon treaties.

In March 2023, the government announced the withdrawal of Irish peace-keepers from the UN mission in the Golan Heights to ‘ensure that the Defence Forces have the capacity to fulfil their commitment to the EU Battlegroup 2024/2025’.

Roger Cole of PANA stated, “the Triple Lock is vital for preserving Ireland’s neutrality, particularly amid escalating global instability and conflict. In other words, the Triple Lock guarantees that troop deployment may only take place under the auspices of the UN system, as guarantor of international peace and security. Even more important, as a guarantor for Irish troops serving abroad, to be seen as an independent force and not supporting the geopolitical interests of any regional military alliance.”

‍

To confirm this Press Statement, contact…

Elizabeth Jennings, Communications Officer, PANA,

Tel 085 7232753

Roger Cole, Chairperson, PANA,

Tel 087 2611597

Padraig Mannion, Irish Language Spokesperson, PANA,

Tel 087 6911293

For more information:

Plans to Dismantle Ireland’s Triple Lock

https://www.facebook.com/PANAIreland/

https://www.pana.ie/

‍

Plans to Dismantle Ireland’s Triple Lock and Irish Neutrality

Irish Examiner 22/2/2025

Article

Europe needs more peacemakers and fewer armies.

John F Kennedy spoke these words on 10^th June 1963: “the pursuit of peace is not as dramatic as the pursuit of war, but we have no more urgent task”.

I joined the Irish Defence Forces on 28 September 1963, and John F Kennedy was assassinated on 22 November 1963. Promoting peace and justice can be dangerous for the peacemakers including JFK. Eighty-six Irish soldiers, many of whom I knew, gave their lives for the justified cause of international peace. Ireland must continue to promote peace by peaceful means only and avoid joining foreign armies and wars of aggression.

The TINA syndrome which stands for “There Is No Alternative” was in vogue after the economic crash and austerity crisis. That TINA syndrome is now being applied to the militarisation of Europe. There were alternatives to the imposition of austerity, and there are alternatives to the militarisation of Europe, which has already played a significant role in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of European people. These alternatives include making peace by peaceful nonviolent means. The costs of militarisation and the destruction of wars is immense.

The estimated world military expenditure for 2023, was $2443 billion. This does not include the huge costs of wars to countries being destroyed. The alternative is to spend most of these billons on conflict prevention, including transforming the UN and restoring the proper rule of international and humanitarian laws and jurisprudence.

A BBC report on 16 February 2025 states that: “Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky has called for the creation of an army of Europe”. Many European countries are reported to be in full war preparation mode. It is not clear whether this would be a European Union (EU) army or wider European army.

Thirty-four European countries have national armies. NATO is the world’s largest regional military force. Twenty-four of the twenty-seven EU states are full members of NATO, and the three neutrals including Ireland are members of NATO’s Partnership for Peace. This might not be so bad if NATO was a genuine defensive alliance. Since the end of the Cold War NATO member states have been waging aggressive resource wars in breach of the UN Charter in Serbia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria and elsewhere and supporting Israeli war crimes amounting to genocide against the Palestinian people.

The Warsaw Pact was disbanded in 1991 after assurances were given to Russian leaders that NATO would not expand, “not one inch eastward”. Since 1999 NATO has expanded from 19 member states to 32, taking in former eastern European states up to Russia’s borders.

Ireland should avoid entanglement with NATO or European armies. The Irish Defence Forces has been a volunteer army since the foundation of the State. Until the 1990s Irish soldiers had to volunteer before being sent on UN peace missions. Now, they can be compelled to serve on overseas missions including NATO ones. This is one of the reasons that our citizens are unwilling to join the Defence Forces, and why our soldiers are leaving the Defence Forces. Irish positive neutrality is the best way to defend the best interests of the Irish people and the wider interests of humanity. Our neutrality has been virtually ended due to Irish soldiers serving with NATO, proposed abandonment of the Triple Lock, helping to train Ukrainian soldiers to kill Russian soldiers, and serving with EU military Battlegroups, and neocolonial missions in Africa. If Irish soldiers are killed on such missions their deaths will not have been justified.

After the end of the Cold War the alternatives to the militarisation of Europe should have been a bright new dawn of peace and economic cooperation across Eurasia. A buffer zone of neutral states should have been created from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea. That opportunity was lost due to US determination to be the world’s unipolar superpower. Ukraine agreed to give up its nuclear weapons and became a neutral state, but this neutrality was ended in 2014. Attempts to negotiate a peaceful settlement of the Ukraine conflict by the Helsinki process failed. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian and Russian people have died. Many more will die unless peaceful alternatives are created to replace the militarisation of Europe. More European armies are the problem, not the solution.

Those who argue that Ireland should defend its people by conventional military means, should consider the likely financial costs and lives lost, and the peaceful alternatives. Neutral Austria is considering purchasing 58 new Leopard tanks at €29,000,000 each.

In this nuclear armed 21st century, the time to stop wars is now, before they start, if humanity is to have a future.

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Edward Horgan, Commandant (retired), is a former UN peacekeeper. He completed a PhD thesis on reform of the United Nations in 2008

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THE KERRYMAN
19/02/2025

EU leaders are in ‘full war preparation mode’, let’s hope it’s not unstoppable

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SIR,

Foreign Affairs and Defence Minister, Tánaiste Simon Harris, has been briefed that many of Ireland’s EU partners are in ‘full war preparation mode’. War hysteria seems to have taken hold of far too many international political leaders. Such hysteria is in danger of becoming an unstoppable force, fuelled by unjustified Russo-phobia or China-phobia and by the human greed scramble for access to valuable resources.

The photographs and videos of the destruction in Gaza and Ukraine should be a warning of the devastation that may occur in many other countries if common sense and sanity fail to prevail, leading to wars at international or global level. The people of countries devastated in World War Two, especially Germany, Japan, Russia and China, need to be reminded of the destruction of cities like Hamburg, Dresden, Stalingrad, Tokyo, Nagasaki and Hiroshima.

The population of these cities, and world population, has increased substantially since World War Two. The destructive power of weapons and munitions has also increased, as demonstrated by the use of 2,000-pound bombs dropped on the people of Gaza and the 11-ton GBU-43/B MOAB bomb ‘successfully tested’ on Afghan people in 2017.

If a major conventional war occurs, many major cities and their people could be reduced to rubble like Gaza has been. Up to 40 million civilians died due to World War Two. If such a major war goes nuclear, all of planet Earth may be reduced to rubble.

Instead of following the example of Sweden and Finland, Ireland must strengthen our positive neutrality and use it to promote peace and justice for all of humanity and Irish soldiers must only participate in foreign missions that are under a UN mandate.

In this 21st century, the time to stop wars is before they start.

Sincerely,

Edward Horgan, Castletroy,Limerick.

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THE KERRYMAN
13/03/2025

European re-armament has led to two world wars – we won’t survive a third

SIR,

European Union leaders including Irish politicians are using Orwellian language to justify militarism and preparations for war, while failing to promote peace and reconciliation in Europe and failing in their duties to take all necessary means to end the genocide that is ongoing against the Palestinian people.

Irish politicians, including Micheál Martin and Simon Harris have described the Russian attack on Ukraine as unprovoked, unlawful and unjustifiable. Yes, it was unlawful and unjustified, but it was provoked by the unjustified expansion of NATO up to Russia’s borders, and by the overthrow of the pro-Russian President of Ukraine in 2014.

On February 24, Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen was reported as saying that peace in Ukraine may be more dangerous than the ongoing war in Ukraine.

Speaking to the press on March 9, EU Commission President von der Leyen stated: “…you’re familiar with the 800 billion (euros) package for defence, and that is historic. This can be the foundation of a European defence union. We will drive the ‘Rearm Europe’ plan forward with full force.”

The rearming of Europe has twice led to world wars in the past. Europe and humanity will not survive World War Three.

The Irish people cannot be defended by conventional military means. Positive neutrality promoting international peace and justice is the only sane option for defending the Irish people. Economist Cormac Lucey (Sunday Times, March 9) estimates that the real level of Ireland’s national debt is €863.6 billion, including pension liabilities.

Spending billions of euros on conventional weapons will help to bankrupt Ireland and its people and do nothing to defend them. Ireland and the EU need to actively promote peace in Europe and take all necessary means to end the genocide and chaos in the wider Middle East and elsewhere.

Sincerely,

Edward Horgan, Castletroy,

Limerick.

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The Avondhu

13/03/2025

The Avondhu is a local newspaper circulating in Co Cork, and west Waterford, south Tipperary and south Co Limerick.

Gambling with World War Three

The debacle that unfolded in the White House on 28th February, had at least one important statement, when US President Trump told Ukrainian President Zelensky: “You’re gambling with the lives of millions, you are gambling with World War Three.”

While the Trump administration may be genuine in their efforts to promote peace in Ukraine, they are doing the opposite in the Middle East and elsewhere and risking a nuclear war with China. Their active support for the Israeli genocide against the Palestinian people is doing irreparable damage to the proper rule of international law. The risk of nuclear war has never been greater. Yet, the Irish Government is damaging Ireland’s positive neutrality by abandoning the triple lock, supporting one side in the Ukraine conflict